I was doing fascinating, interesting work. I was working on a new bill of rights, why we needed a bill of rights in a free South Africa. And there was a lot of opposition from very progressive, very bright, young black students to a bill of rights. They saw it as a “bill of whites.” That the bill of rights was there to be opposed to democracy. “Once we get the vote, we won’t be able to do anything because our hands will be tied by provisions in the constitution that will insure that all the property…” and by law the whites owned 87 percent of the surface area of South Africa. But… “By law they would be able to hang on to 87 percent of the surface area through a bill of rights. They would constitutionalize apartheid.” And I had to explain — and under Oliver Tambo’s leadership I was given the authority and the responsibility of doing that — “The bill of rights can be emancipatory, a progressive bill of rights that includes social economic rights, that allows for transformation and change under conditions of equality and fairness is part of a bill of rights. We mustn’t allow extremely conservative, ultra-conservative people to write the bill of rights and tie our hands and make the constitution an unpopular document in our country. We must insure that the terms of the bill of rights recognize the rights of everybody, and especially the rights of the dispossessed, the marginalized, the poor, the women suffering under patriarchal domination, the children who have no rights at all, people dispossessed of their land, workers trying to get a decent job with a decent wage. They are all part and parcel of the bill of rights project, as well as people who invest who want their investments protected, who want to insure that there is a rule of law if there should be any economic transformation.” So we were debating all these questions while we were in exile, and it meant we were ready. We were ready when the day came.